INTRODUCING KIWi I 11 Responsibility for designing and implementing university partnerships lies with the scientific community. Freedom of science is protected by our constitution. To be able to fulfil this responsibility, universities and individual scientists alike need expertise on the aforementioned political, legal and practical framework conditions, as well as region-specific knowledge of conditions and opportunities for academic cooperation. This is precisely where KIWi comes in. At the latest since the “turning point”, the so called “Zeitenwende”, proclaimed by Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz, science has become part of the national security strategy. How does the DAAD position itself in this area of tension between academic freedom and political constraints? I wouldn’t call it political constraints. It is true that science and international academic cooperation make an important contribution to national security. This is not only about the essential contribution that science makes to solving global challenges such as climate change or energy and food security. The social, political and economic development of Germany is also significantly shaped by its scientific performance and competitiveness. For me, however, this does not imply any kind of appropriation of science by political interests and regulations. Rather, the freedom of science, the opportunity for exchange and cooperation, is the basis for its performance. Nevertheless, there is, of course, another side to the security policy relevance of science. Unwanted knowledge drain, the military use of civilian research (dual use) and threats to research security and integrity pose concrete risks that are also relevant to security policy, especially in cooperation with partners who do not share the same rule-of-law principles and democratic values as we do. Cooperation with China is certainly the most prominent example here. At the beginning of 2024, we published a DAAD policy paper on cooperation with China that puts forward recommendations for German universities. We advocate an interest-oriented, risk-reflec- tive and competence-based approach. I believe that these principles can also be applied to comparable cooperation constellations. The aim is always to enable scientific cooper- ation while consciously dealing with possible risks. You bring with you experience from Colombia, a country that was off-limits to German universities as a cooperation partner for a number of years. What did the DAAD do to ensure that contact with Colombian scientific partners was not broken off entirely? When I was in Colombia for the first time in 1999 as a DAAD scholarship holder, the security situation there was very tense. Nevertheless, the DAAD and the University of Mainz, where I was studying at the time, supported the exchange with the Colombian partner university, the Universidad de los Andes in Bogotá. Other German universities took a similar approach and, despite all the obstacles, did not completely cut off cooperations. These experiences show that maintaining co- operations even under difficult conditions create a long-term, trusting basis that enables us to survive difficult times and to be ready for new things when they are over – as was the case when the peace agreement between the guerrilla organisation FARC and the Colombian government was concluded in June 2016. It was no coincidence that the German government was explicitly asked in the peace treaty to support the peace process with its expertise. One concrete result of this is the German-Colombian Peace Institute CAPAZ... ... whose work is now regarded as a global model when it comes to dialogue between parties in conflict. Yes, the peace institute is a beacon and model project for functioning science diplomacy on several levels: it contributes to mediation between stakeholders at the national level in Colombia through scientific expertise and advice, and at the same time is an important pillar of scientific and political cooperation at the international level – between Germany and Colombia. Why do research institutions and their stakeholders ap- parently find it ‘easier’ to deal with crises than the official political level? Research operates with a longer-term perspective; it is – to draw a direct comparison with politics – not dependent on legislative periods. This alone implies a certain crisis resilience. Research also has its own rules, standards and procedures that cannot be directly controlled by political interests. Furthermore, scientists usually work in individual networks that are generally very stable and have long-term effects. When conflicts come to a head at the political level, such networks can, in the best case, be used to keep communi- cation channels open. We need structures that are resilient in times of crisis. Scientific cooperation is therefore particularly important in times when conflict constellations are inten- sifying, and political relations are coming under pressure.